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Sylla   
procuring himself as vast a new acquired power and dominion as was
that of his ancient inheritance. He carried over with him no great
forces of his own, but making use of the cheerful aid of the confederates,
succeeded, with considerable slaughter of the Cappadocians, and yet
greater of the Armenian succours, in expelling Gordius and establishing
Ariobarzanes as king.
During his stay on the banks of the Euphrates, there came to him Orobazus,
a Parthian, ambassador from King Arsaces, as yet there having been
no correspondence between the two nations. And this also we may lay
to the account of Sylla's felicity, that he should be the first Roman
to whom the Parthians made address for alliance and friendship. At
the time of which reception, the story is, that, having ordered three
chairs of state to be set, one for Ariobarzanes, one for Orobazus,
and a third for himself, he placed himself in the middle, and so gave
audience. For this the King of Parthia afterwards put Orobazus to
death. Some people commended Sylla for his lofty carriage towards
the barbarians; others again accused him of arrogance and unseasonable
display. It is reported that a certain Chaldaean, of Orobazus's retinue,
looking Sylla wistfully in the face, and observing carefully the motions
of his mind and body, and forming a judgment of his nature, according
to the rules of his art, said that it was impossible for him not to
become the greatest of men; it was rather a wonder how he could even
then abstain from being head of all.
At his return, Censorinus impeached him of extortion, for having exacted
a vast sum of money from a well-affected and associate kingdom. However,
Censorinus did not appear at the trial, but dropped his accusation.
His quarrel, meantime, with Marius began to break out afresh, receiving
new material from the ambition of Bocchus, who, to please the people
of Rome, and gratify Sylla, set up in the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus
images bearing trophies, and a representation in gold of the surrender
of Jugurtha to Sylla. When Marius, in great anger, attempted to pull
them down, and others aided Sylla, the whole city would have been
in tumult and commotion with this dispute, had not the Social War,
which had long lain smouldering, blazed forth at last, and for the
present put an end to the quarrel.
In the course of this war, which had many great changes of fortune,
and which, more than any, afflicted the Romans, and, indeed, endangered
the very being of the Commonwealth, Marius was not able to signalize
his valour in any action, but left behind him a clear proof, that
warlike excellence requires a strong and still vigorous body. Sylla,
on the other hand, by his many achievements, gained himself, with
his fellow-citizens, the name of a great commander, while his friends
thought him the greatest of all commanders, and his enemies called
him the most fortunate. Nor did this make the same sort of impression
on him as it made on Timotheus the son of Conon, the Athenian; who,
when his adversaries ascribed his successes to his good luck, and
had a painting made, representing him asleep, and Fortune by his side,
casting her nets over the cities, was rough and violent in his indignation
at those who did it, as if, by attributing all to Fortune, they had
robbed him of his just honours; and said to the people on one occasion
at his return from war, "In this, ye men of Athens, Fortune had no
part." A piece of boyish petulance, which the deity, we are told,
played back upon Timotheus; who from that time was never able to achieve
anything that was great, but proving altogether unfortunate in his
attempts, and falling into discredit with the people, was at last
banished the city. Sylla, on the contrary, not only accepted with
pleasure the credit of such divine felicities and favours, but joining
himself and extolling and glorifying what was done, gave the honour
of all to Fortune, whether it were out of boastfulness, or a real
feeling of divine agency. He remarks, in his Memoirs, that of all
his well-advised actions, none proved so lucky in the execution as
what he had boldly enterprised, not by calculation, but upon the moment.
And, in the character which he gives of himself, that he was born
for fortune rather than war, he seems to give Fortune a higher place
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